- Two central elements of American education were "piety" and
"virtue."
- The Founders believed these features of the Christian religion were basic to
American government.
- Both of these have been removed from modern public schools.
Russell Kirk, The Roots of American Order, p.103.
In the twentieth century, this word "piety" generally implies
strong religious observances; it meant that to the Romans, but also it meant
more. A pious man, in the Roman understanding, was one who fulfilled his duties,
religious and social—one who subordinated his own desires to the claims of
others. "Piety is the foundation of all the other virtues," Cicero
would write when the Republic was falling to its ruin.
St. Augustine, writing in City of God, V, 13, draws a distinction
between piety and virtue:
in another place it is most unambiguously said of God, that He "maketh
the man who is an hypocrite to reign on account of the perversity of the
people." [Job xxxiv. 30.] Wherefore, though I have, according to my
ability, shown for what reason God, who alone is true and just, helped forward
the Romans, who were good according to a certain standard of an earthly state,
to the acquirement of the glory of so great an empire, there may be,
nevertheless, a more hidden cause, known better to God than to us, depending on
the diversity of the merits of the human race. Among all who are truly pious, it
is at all events agreed that no one without true piety—that is, true worship
of the true God—can have true virtue; and that it is not true virtue which is
the slave of human praise. Though, nevertheless, they who are not citizens of
the eternal city, which is called the city of God in the sacred Scriptures, are
more useful to the earthly city when they possess even that virtue than if they
had not even that. But there could be nothing more fortunate for human affairs
than that, by the mercy of God, they who are endowed with true piety of life, it
they have the skill for ruling people, should also have the power. But such men,
however great virtues they possess in this life, attribute it solely to the
grace of God that He has bestowed it on them—willing, believing, seeking. And,
at the same time, they understand how far they are short of that perfection of
righteousness which exists in the society of those holy angels for which they
are striving to fit themselves. But however much that virtue may be praised and
cried up, which without true piety is the slave of human glory, it is not at all
to be compared even to the feeble beginnings of the virtue of the saints, whose
hope is placed in the grace and mercy of the true God.
Henry Paolucci, ed. The Political Writings of St. Augustine, p.105-107
Following in Augustine's footsteps, Webster, in the first edition of his
dictionary (1828), explains:
- 3. Moral goodness; the practice of moral duties and the abstaining from
vice, or a conformity of life and conversation to the moral law. In this
sense, virtue may be, and in many instances must be, distinguished
from religion. The practice of moral duties merely from motives of
convenience, or from compulsion, or from regard to reputation, is virtue,
as distinct from religion. The practice of moral duties from
sincere love to God and his laws is virtue and religion. In this sense it
is true,
- That virtue only makes our bliss below.
- Pope
- Virtue is nothing but voluntary obedience to truth.
-
- Dwight
- 4. A particular moral excellence; as the virtue of temperance, of
chastity, of charity.
- Remember all his virtues.
-
Addison
- 5. Acting power; something efficacious;
- Jesus, knowing that virtue had gone out of him, turned -- Mark
iii.
-
- 10. Legal efficacy or power; authority. A man administers the laws by virtue
of commission.
- In virtue, in consequence; by the efficacy or authority.
- This they shall attain, partly in virtue of the promise of God,
and partly in virtue of piety.
Atterbury
The Founders believed Christian virtue exceeded all others.
The Colonization of Louisiana
Charles E. T. Gayarre
Halsey, Francis W., ed. Great Epochs in American History, Described by Famous
Writers From Columbus to Roosevelt. 10 vols. New York: Funk & Wagnalls
Co., 1912., vol.2, p.203
"His majesty sends twenty girls to be married to the Canadians and to
the other inhabitants of Mobile, in order to consolidate the colony. All these
girls are industrious and have received a pious and virtuous education.
You will take care to settle them in life as well as may be in your power, and
to marry them to such men as are capable of providing them with a commodious
home." . . .
Benjamin Franklin, Two Tracts: Information to Those Who Would Remove to
America and Remarks Concerning the Savages of North America (London: John
Stockdale, 1784), p.24.
Americanization Department of Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. America—Great
Crisis in Our History Told by Its Makers: A Library of Original Sources. 11
vols. Chicago: n.p., 1925.vol.4, p.76
The almost general mediocrity of fortune that prevails in America, obliging
its people to follow some business for subsistence, those vices that arise
usually from idleness are in a great measure prevented. Industry and constant
employment are great preservatives of the morals and virtue of
a nation. Hence bad examples to youth are more rare in America, which must be a
comfortable consideration to parents. To this may be truly added, that serious
religion, under its various denominations, is not only tolerated, but
respected and practised. Atheism is unknown there; infidelity rare and secret;
so that persons may live to a great age in that country without having their piety
shocked by meeting with either an atheist or an infidel.
And the Divine Being seems to have manifested His approbation of the mutual
forbearance and kindness with which the different sects treat each other, by the
remarkable prosperity with which He has been pleased to favor the whole country.
Benjamin Franklin. Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, p.90
It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not wholly without religion,
there was in it no mark of any of the distinguishing tenets of any particular
sect. I had purposely avoided them; for, being fully persuaded of the utility
and excellency of my method, and that it might be serviceable to people in all
religions, and intending some time or other to publish it, I would not have any
thing in it that should prejudice any one, of any sect, against it. I purposed
writing a little comment on each virtue, in which I would have shown the
advantages of possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice; and
I should have called my book THE ART OF VIRTUE,
because it would have shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue, which
would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be good, that does not
instruct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle's man of verbal
charity, who only without showing to the naked and hungry how or where they
might get clothes or victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed.—James ii.
15, 16.
I have read your [Thomas Paine's]
manuscript with some attention. By the argument it contains against the
doctrines of a particular Providence, though you allow a general providence, you
strike at the foundation of all religion. For without the belief of a Providence
that takes cognizance of, guards, and guides, and may favor particular persons,
there is no motive to worship Deity, to fear [his] displeasure, or to pray for
[his] protection. I will not enter into any discussion of your principles,
though you seem to desire it. At present I shall only give you my opinion, that,
though your reasonings are subtile, and may prevail with some readers, you will
not succeed so as to change the general sentiments of mankind on that subject,
and the consequence of printing this piece will be a great deal of odium drawn
upon yourself, mischief to you, and no benefit to others. He that spits against
the wind spits in his own face.
But, were you to succeed, do you imagine any good would be done by it? You
yourself may find it easy to live a virtuous life without the assistance
afforded by religion; you having a clear perception of the advantages of virtue,
and the disadvantages of vice, and possessing a strength of resolution
sufficient to enable you to resist common temptations. But think how great a
proportion of mankind consists of weak and ignorant men and women, and of
inexperienced and inconsiderate youth of both sexes, who have need of the
motives of religion to restrain them from vice, to support their virtue, and
retain them in the practice of it till it becomes habitual, which is the great
point for its security. And perhaps you are indebted to her originally, that is,
to your religious education, for the habits of virtue upon which you now justly
value yourself. You might easily display your excellent talents of reasoning
upon a less hazardous subject, and thereby obtain a rank with our most
distinguished authors. For among us it is not necessary, as among the
Hottentots, that a youth, to be received into the company of men, should prove
his manhood by beating his mother.
I would advise you, therefore, not to attempt unchaining the tiger, but to burn
this piece before it is seen by any other person; whereby you will save yourself
a great deal of mortification from the enemies it may raise against you, and
perhaps a good deal of regret and repentance. If men are as wicked as we now see
them with religion, what would they be if without it.
—Albert Henry Smyth, ed., The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, 10 vols.
(New York: The Macmillan Company, 1905–7). vol. 9, p.520. (1786.)
Bancroft, George. History of the United States of America From the Discovery
of the American Continent. Rev. ed. 6 vols., 1882, vol.3, p.474, Chapter 36:
"The Crisis, February-May 1774"
A love of liberty revealed the same truth to John Cartwright. The young
enthusiast was persuaded that humanity, as well as the individual man, obtains
knowledge, wisdom, and virtue progressively, so that its latter days will be
more wise, peaceable, and pious than the earlier periods of its existence. He
was destined to pass his life in efforts to purify the British constitution,
which, as he believed, had within itself the seeds of immortality. With the
fervid language of sincerity, he advocated the freedom of his American kindred,
and proclaimed American independence to be England's interest and glory.
George Bancroft, History of the United States, vol.4, chapter 4:
"The First American Congress, September-October 1774," pp.64-65
To the proposal that congress the next day should be opened with prayer, Jay
and Rutledge objected, on account of the great diversity of religious
sentiments. "I am no bigot," said Samuel Adams, the Congregationalist;
"I can hear a prayer from a man of piety and virtue, who
is at the same time a friend to his country;" and, on his nomination, Duche,
an Episcopal clergyman, was chosen for the service. Before the adjournment,
Putnam's express arrived with the report that, after a bloody attack on the
people by the troops at Boston, Connecticut as well as Massachusetts was rising
in arms. The next day muffled bells were tolled. At the opening of congress,
Washington was present, standing in prayer, and Henry and Randolph and Lee and
Jay and Rutledge and Gadsden; and by their side Presbyterians and
Congregationalists; the Livingstons, Sherman, Samuel Adams, John Adams; and
others of New England, who believed that a rude soldiery were then infesting the
dwellings and taking the lives of their friends. When the psalm for the day was
read, Heaven itself seemed uttering its oracle. "Plead thou my cause, O
Lord, with them that strive with me; and fight thou against them that fight
against me. Lay hand upon the shield and buckler, and stand up to help me. Bring
forth the spear, and stop the way against them that persecute me. Let them that
imagine mischief for me be as dust before the wind. Who is like unto thee, who
deliverest the poor from him that is too strong for him? Lord! how long wilt
thou look on? Awake, and stand up to judge my quarrel; avenge thou my cause, my
God and my Lord." After this, the minister, with the earnestness of the
best divines of New England, unexpectedly burst into an extempore prayer for
America, for the congress, for Massachusetts, and especially for Boston.
The same event recounted in William Jackman, History of the American Nation,
9 vols.,vol 2, Chapter 26: 1766-1774 Causes Which Led to the Revolution—Cont.,
p.425
It was suggested that it would be becoming to open their sessions with
prayer. This proposition was thought by some to be inexpedient, since perhaps
the delegates could not all join in the same form of worship. At length Samuel
Adams, who was a strict Congregationalist, arose and said: "I will
willingly join in prayer with any gentleman of piety and virtue,
whatever may be his cloth, provided he is a friend of his country." On a
motion, the Rev. Mr. Duche, a popular Episcopal clergyman, of Philadelphia, was
invited to officiate as chaplain. Mr. Duche accepted the invitation. A rumor, in
the mean time, reached Philadelphia that General Gage had bombarded Boston. When
the Congress assembled the next morning, anxiety and sympathy were depicted on
every countenance. The rumor, though it proved to be false, excited feelings of
brotherhood, hitherto unknown.
The chaplain read the thirty-fifth psalm, and then, carried away by his
emotions, burst forth into an extemporary prayer to the Lord of Hosts to be
their helper. "It seemed," says John Adams, in a letter to his wife,
"as if Heaven had ordained that psalm to be read on that morning. He
prayed, in language eloquent and sublime, for America for the Congress, for the
province of Massachusetts Bay, and especially for the town of Boston. It has had
an excellent effect upon everybody here."
When the prayer was closed a long and death-like silence ensued, as if each
one hesitated "to open a business so momentous." At length Patrick
Henry slowly arose, faltering at first, "as if borne down by the weight of
his subject;" but the fires of his wonted eloquence began to glow, as he
recited the colonial wrongs already endured, and foretold those yet to come.
"Rising, as he advanced, with the grandeur of his subject, and glowing at
length with all the majesty and expectation of the occasion, his speech seemed
more than that of mortal man." He inspired the entire Congress with his
liberal sentiments; they found a response in every heart when he exclaimed:
"British oppression has effaced the boundaries of the several colonies; the
distinctions between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, and New
Englanders, are no more. I am not a Virginian, but an American." When he
closed, the members were not merely astonished at his matchless eloquence, but
the importance of the subject had overwhelmed them.
George Bancroft, History of the United States, vol.4, chapter 25:
"How South Carolina Advanced to Independence, February-July 1776," p.396
On the twenty-third of April the court was opened at Charleston, and the
chief justice after an elaborate exposition charged the grand jury in these
words: "The law of the land authorizes me to declare, and it is my duty to
declare the law, that George III., king of Great Britain, has abdicated the
government, that he has no authority over us, and we owe no obedience to him.
"It has been the policy of the British authority to cramp and confine
our trade so as to be subservient to their commerce, our real interest being
ever out of the question; the new constitution is wisely adapted to enable us to
trade with foreign nations, and thereby to supply our wants at the cheapest
markets in the universe; to extend our trade infinitely beyond what has ever
been known; to encourage manufactures among us; and to promote the happiness of
the people from among whom, by virtue and merit, the poorest
man may arrive at the highest dignity. The Almighty created America
to be independent of Britain; to refuse our labors in this divine work
is to refuse to be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy
people!"
Jay A. Parry and Andrew M. Allison, The Real George Washington, p.231
While he waited, Washington issued strict orders to ensure that his troops
were preparing themselves spiritually for the coming difficulties. "All
chaplains are to perform divine service...every...Sunday," he declared, and
he ordered "officers of all ranks" to set an example by attending.
"The commander in chief expects an exact compliance with this order, and
that it be observed in the future as an invariable rule of practice. And every
neglect will be considered not only as a breach of orders, but a disregard to
decency, virtue, and religion."
General Orders (28 June 1777), The Writings of George Washington from the
Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., 39 vols.
Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1931-44. vol 8, p. 308.
Debates in the Convention of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, of the Adoption
of the Federal Constitution WEDNESDAY, February 6, 1788.
Jonathan Elliot, ed., Debates on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution,
Vol. 2, p.170.
Afternoon.—Hon. Mr. TURNER. Mr. President, being advanced in
life, and having endeavored, I hope, with a faithful attention, according to my
ability, to assist my country in their trying difficulties and dangers for more
than twenty years; and as, for three weeks past, my state of health has been
such as to render me unable to speak in this assembly,— I trust I shall be
heard with some indulgence, while I express a few sentiments at this solemn
crisis. I have been averse to the reception of this Constitution, while it was
considered merely in its original form; but since the honorable Convention have
pleased to agree to the recommendation of certain amendments, I acknowledge my
mind is reconciled. But even thus amended, I still see, or think I see, several
imperfections in it, and some which give me pain. Indeed, I never expect to see
a constitution free from imperfections; and, considering the great diversity of
local interests, views, and habits,—considering the unparalleled variety of
sentiments among the citizens of the United States,—I despair of of obtaining
a more perfect constitution than this, at present. And a constitution preferable
to the Confederation must be obtained, and obtained soon, or we shall be an
undone people. In my judgment, there is a rational probability, a moral
certainty, that the proposed amendments will meet the approbation of the several
states in the Union. If there is any respect due to the
hoary head of Massachusetts, it will un-doubtedly have its proper influence
in this case. The minds of gentlemen, throughout the nation, must be impressed
with such a sense of the necessity of all-important union, especially in our
present circumstances, as must strongly operate in favor of a concurrence. The
proposed amendments are of such a liberal, such a generous, and such a catholic
nature and complexion,—they are so congenial to the soul of every man who is
possessed of patriotic regard to the preservation of the just rights and
immunities of his country, as well as to the institution of a good and necessary
government,—that I think they must, they, will, be universally accepted. When,
in connection with this confidence, I consider the deplorable state of our
navigation and commerce, and various branches of business thereon dependent; the
inglorious and [p.171] provoking figure we make in the eyes of
our European creditors; the degree in which the landed interest is burdened and
depreciated; the tendency of depreciating paper, and tender acts, to destroy
mutual confidence, faith, and credit, to prevent the circulation of specie, and
to overspread
the land with an inundation, a chaos of multiform injustice, oppression, and
knavery; when I consider what want of efficiency there is in our government, as
to obliging people seasonably to pay their dues to the public, instead of
spending their money in support of luxury and extravagance, of consequence the
inability of government to satisfy the just demands of its creditors, and to do
it in season, so as to prevent their suffering amazingly by depreciation; in
connection with my anxious desire that my ears may be no longer perstringed, nor
my heart pained, with the cries of the injured widow and orphans; when I also
consider that state of our finances which daily exposes us to become a prey to
the despotic humor even of an impotent invader,—I find myself constrained to
say, before this assembly, and before God, that I think it my
duty to give my vote in favor of this Constitution, with the proposed
amendments; and, unless some further light shall be thrown in my way to
influence my opinion, I shall conduct accordingly. I know not whether this
Convention will vote a ratification of this Constitution, or not. If they should
do it, and have the concurrence of the other states, may that God, who
has always, in a remarkable manner, watched over us and our fathers for good, in
all difficulties, dangers, and distresses, be pleased to command his almighty
blessing upon it, and make it instrumental of restoring justice, honor, safety,
support, and salvation, to a sinking land! But I hope it will be
considered, by persons of all orders, ranks, and ages, that, without
the prevalence of Christian piety and morals, the best republican constitution
can never save us from slavery and ruin. If vice is predominant,
it is to be feared we shall have rulers whose grand object will be (slyly
evading the spirit of the Constitution) to enrich and aggrandize themselves and
their connections, to the injury and oppression of the laborious part of the
community; while it follows, from the moral constitution of the Deity,
that prevalent iniquity must be the ruin of any people. The world of
mankind have always, in general, been enslaved and miserable, and always will
be, until there is a greater [p.172] prevalence of
Christian moral principles; nor have I any expectation of this, in any
great degree, unless some superior mode of education shall be adopted. It is
education which almost entirely forms the character, the freedom or slavery, the
happiness or misery, of the world. And if this Constitution shall be adopted, I
hope the Continental legislature will have the singular honor, the indelible
glory, of making it one of their first acts, in their first session, most
earnestly to recommend to the several states in the Union the institution of
such means of education as shall be adequate to the divine, patriotic
purpose of training up the children and youth at large in that solid learning,
and in those pious and moral principles, which are the support, the life and
soul, of republican government and liberty, of which a free
constitution is the body; for, as the body, without the spirit, is dead, so
a free form of government, without the animating principles of piety and virtue,
is dead also, being alone. May religion, with sanctity of
morals, prevail and increase, that the patriotic civilian and ruler may
have the sublime, parental satisfaction of eagerly embracing every opportunity
of mitigating the rigors of government, in proportion to that
increase of morality which may render the people more capable of being a law to
themselves! How much more blessed this than to be employed in fabricating
constitutions of a higher tone, in obedience to necessity, arising from an
increase of turbulent vice and injustice in society! I believe your excellency's
patience will not be further exercised by hearing the sound of my voice on the
occasion, when I have said, May the United States of America live before
God! May they be enlightened, pious, virtuous, free, and happy, to all
generations!
Proclamation.
A NATIONAL THANKSGIVING.
[From Sparks's Washington, Vol. XII, p.119.]
Whereas it is the duty of all nations to acknowledge the providence of
Almighty God, to obey His will, to be grateful for His benefits, and humbly to
implore His protection and favor; and
Whereas both Houses of Congress have, by their joint committee, requested me
"to recommend to the people of the United States a day of public
thanksgiving and prayer, to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts
the many and signal favors of Almighty God, especially by affording them an
opportunity peaceably to establish a form of government for their safety and
happiness:"
Now, therefore, I do recommend and assign Thursday, the 26th day of November
next, to be devoted by the people of these States to the service of that great
and glorious Being who is the beneficent author of all the good that was, that
is, or that will be; that we may then all unite in rendering unto Him our
sincere and humble thanks for His kind care and protection of the people of this
country previous to their becoming a nation; for the signal and manifold mercies
and the favorable interpositions of His providence in the course and conclusion
of the late war; for the great degree of tranquillity, union, and plenty which
we have since enjoyed; for the peaceable and rational manner in which we have
been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our safety and
happiness, and particularly the national one now lately instituted; for the
civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed, and the means we have of
acquiring and diffusing useful knowledge; and, in general, for all the great and
various favors which He has been pleased to confer upon us.
And also that we may then unite in most humbly offering our prayers and
supplications to the great Lord and Ruler of Nations, and beseech Him to pardon
our national and other trangressions; to enable us all, whether in public or
private stations, to perform our several and relative duties properly and
punctually; to render our National Government a blessing to all the people by
constantly being a Government of wise, just, and constitutional laws, discreetly
and faithfully executed and obeyed; to protect and guide all sovereigns and
nations (especially such as have shown kindness to us), and to bless them with
good governments, peace, and concord; to promote
the knowledge and practice of true religion and
virtue, and the increase of science among them and us; and, generally,
to grant unto all mankind such a degree of temporal prosperity as He alone knows
to be best.
Given under my hand, at the city of New York, the 3d day of October, A. D. 1789.
GO. WASHINGTON.
Richardson, ed., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, George
Washington, vol. 1, p.56
George Washington
Farewell Address
Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and
harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct. And can it be that
good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free,
enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the
magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted
justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the
fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be
lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected
the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is
recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered
impossible by its vices?
Messages and Papers of the Presidents, George Washington, vol. 1,
p.213
|
For the benefit of graduates of government secular
schools, the following sentence has been broken up into 10-second sound
bites. |
John Adams
Inaugural Address.
IN THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, PA
On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with
diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be
admitted as an apology if I venture to say that
- if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed
upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after
truth;
- if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a
conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the
judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it;
- if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and
a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments;
- if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and
happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a
northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political
opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments;
- if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations;
- if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every
rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and
every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all
classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of
life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but
as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies,
the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the
profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is
the angel of destruction to elective governments;
- if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior
administration;
- if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufactures for
necessity, convenience, and defense;
- if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America,
and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more
friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them;
- if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with
all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the
belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so
solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the
legislatures of the States and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise
ordained by Congress;
- if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven
years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship
which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations;
- if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the
internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an
earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable
pretense of complaint;
- if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the
injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by
whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before
the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and
interest of the Government and its constituents demand;
- if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and
to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the
world;
- if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the
American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been
deceived;
- if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties
toward it, rounded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual
improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not
obscured but exalted by experience and age;
- and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a
veneration for the religion of a people who profess and call themselves
Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for
Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can
enable me in any degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous
endeavor that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without
effect.
With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith and
honor, the duty and interest, of the same American people pledged to support the
Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all
its energy, and my mind is prepared without hesitation to lay myself under the
most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power.
And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, the
Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world of virtuous
liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and its Government and give it all
possible success and duration consistent with the ends of His providence.
MARCH 4, 1797.
Messages and Papers of the Presidents, John Adams, vol. 1, p.222-23
Joseph Story, A Familiar Exposition of the Constitution of the United
States, p.314-15
§442. How far any government has a right to interfere in matters touching
religion, has been a subject much discussed by writers upon public and political
law. The right and the duty of the interference of government in matters of
religion have been maintained by many distinguished authors, as well by those,
who were the warmest advocates of free governments, as by those, who were
attached to governments of a more arbitrary character. Indeed, the right of a
society or government to interfere in matters of religion, will hardly be
contested by any persons, who believe that piety, religion, and morality are
intimately connected with the well being of the state, and indispensable to the
administration of civil justice. The promulgation of the great doctrines of
religion, the being, [p.315] and attributes, and providence of
one Almighty God; the responsibility to Him for all our actions, founded upon
moral accountability; a future state of rewards and punishments; the cultivation
of all the personal, social, and benevolent virtues;—these never can be a
matter of indifference in any well-ordered community. It is, indeed, difficult
to conceive, how any civilized society can well exist without them. And, at all
events, it is impossible for those, who believe in the truth of Christianity, as
a Divine revelation, to doubt, that it is the especial duty of government to
foster, and encourage it among all the citizens and subjects. This is a point
wholly distinct from that of the right of private judgement in matters of
religion, and of the freedom of public worship, according to the dictates of
one's conscience.
§459. If this Work shall but inspire the rising generation with a more
ardent love of their country, and unquenchable thirst for liberty, and a
profound reverence for the Constitution and the Union, then it will have
accomplished all that its author ought to desire. Let the American youth never
forget that they possess a noble inheritance, bought by the toils, and
sufferings, and blood of their ancestors; and capable, if wisely improved, and
faithfully guarded, of transmitting to their latest posterity all the
substantial blessings of life, the peaceful enjoyment of liberty, of property,
of religion, and of independence. The structure has been
erected by architects of consummate skill and fidelity; its foundations are
solid; its compartments are beautiful, as well as useful; its arrangements are
full of wisdom and order; and its defences are impregnable from without. It has
been reared for immortality, if the work of man may justly aspire to such a
title. It may, nevertheless, perish in an hour, by the folly, or corruption, or
negligence of its only keepers, THE PEOPLE. Republics are created by the virtue,
public spirit, and intelligence of the citizens. They fall, when the wise are
banished from the public councils, because they dare to be honest, and the
profligate are rewarded, because they flatter the people, in order to betray
them.
John Adams, Fourth Annual Address, November 22, 1800.
Richardson, ed., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, John Adams, vol.
1, p.295
It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble for the
first time in this solemn temple without looking up to the Supreme Ruler of the
Universe and imploring His blessing.
May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness!
In this city may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and
magnanimity, that constancy and self-government, which adorned the great
character whose name it bears be forever held in veneration! Here and throughout
our country may simple manners, pure morals, and true
religion flourish forever!
Address of the Senate to John Adams, President of the United States.
Messages and Papers of the Presidents, John Adams, vol. 1, p.298-99
The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
SIR: Impressed with the important truth that the hearts of
rulers and people are in the hand of the Almighty, the Senate of the United States
most cordially join in your invocations for appropriate blessings upon the
Government and people of this Union.
We meet you, sir, and the other branch of the National Legislature in the city
which is honored by the name of our late hero and sage, the illustrious
Washington, with sensations and emotions which exceed our power of description.
While we congratulate ourselves on the convention of the Legislature at the
permanent seat of Government, and ardently hope that permanence and stability may
be communicated as well to the Government itself as to its seat, our minds are
irresistibly led to deplore the death of him who bore so honorable and efficient a
part in the establishment of both. Great indeed would have been our gratification
if his sum of earthly happiness had been completed by seeing the Government thus
peaceably convened at this place; but we derive consolation from a belief that the
moment in which we were destined to experience the loss we deplore was fixed by
that Being whose counsels can not err, and from a hope that since in this seat of
Government, which bears his name, his earthly remains will be deposited, the
members of Congress, and all who inhabit the city, with these memorials before
them, will retain his virtues in lively recollection, and make his patriotism,
morals, and piety models for imitation. And permit us to add,
sir, that it is not among the least of our consolations that you, who have been
his companion and friend from the dawning of our national existence, and trained
in the same school of exertion to effect [p.299] our Independence,
are still preserved by a gracious Providence
in health and activity to exercise the functions of Chief Magistrate.
Reply of the President.
CITY OF WASHINGTON, November 26, 1800.
Messages and Papers of the Presidents, John Adams, vol. 1, p.299
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate:
For this excellent address, so respectful to the memory of my illustrious
predecessor, which I receive from the Senate of the United States at this time and
in this place with peculiar satisfaction, I pray you to accept of my unfeigned
acknowledgments. With you I ardently hope that permanence and stability will be
communicated as well to the Government itself as to its beautiful and commodious
seat. With you I deplore the death of that hero and sage who bore so honorable and
efficient a part in the establishment of both. Great indeed would have been my
gratification if his sum of earthly happiness had been completed by seeing the
Government thus peaceably convened at this place, himself at its head; but while
we submit to the decisions of Heaven, whose councils are inscrutable to us, we
can not but hope that the members of Congress, the officers of Government, and all
who inhabit the city or the country will retain his virtues in lively recollection
and make his patriotism, morals, and piety models for imitation.
Gerald Ford
Toasts of the President and Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom, July 7,
1976
Public Papers of the Presidents, Ford, 1976, p.1986, Item 656
Our first Ambassador to England, John Adams, foresaw that future when he spoke
to your great-great-great-grandmother, Queen Charlotte, and said, "Permit
me, madam, to recommend to Your Majesty's royal goodness a rising empire and an
infant virgin world. It will, in future [ages] be the glory of these kingdoms to
have peopled that country and to have sown there those seeds of science, of
beauty [liberty], of virtue and [of] piety,
which alone constitute the prosperity of nations and the happiness of the human
race."
Thomas Jefferson, Notes for the Biography of George Wythe.
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 1, p.169–p.170
No man ever left behind him a character more venerated than George Wythe. His
virtue was of the purest tint; his integrity inflexible, and his justice exact;
of warm patriotism, and, devoted as he was to liberty, and the natural and equal
rights of man, he might truly be called the Cato of his country, without the
avarice of the Roman; for a more disinterested person never lived. Temperance
and regularity in all his habits, gave him general good health, and his
unaffected modesty and suavity of manners endeared him to every one. He was of
easy elocution, his language chaste, methodical in the arrangement of his
matter, learned and logical in the use of it, and of great urbanity in debate;
not quick of apprehension, but, with a little time, profound in penetration, and
sound in conclusion. In his philosophy he was firm, and neither troubling, nor
perhaps trusting, any one with his religious creed, he left the world to the
conclusion, that that religion must be good which could produce a life of such
exemplary virtue.
President Abraham Lincoln
GENERAL ORDERS, No. 16.
HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,
ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,
WASHINGTON, February 18, 1862.
I. The following concurrent resolutions of the two Houses of the Congress of
the United States are published for the information of the Army:
. . .
Resolved, That the President of the United States, Commander in Chief of the
Army and Navy, be requested to direct that orders be issued for the reading to
the Army and Navy of the United States of the Farewell Address of George
Washington, or such parts thereof as he may select, on the 22d day of February
instant.
II. In compliance with the foregoing resolutions, the President of the United
States, Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, orders that the following
extracts from the Farewell Address of George Washington be read to the troops at
every military post and at the head of the several regiments and corps of the
Army:
Of all the dispositions and habits
which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are
indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of
patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human
happiness--these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The
mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to
cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with
private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the
security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious
obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of
investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge
the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion.
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds
of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect
that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring
of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force
to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it
can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the
fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions
for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure
of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that
public opinion should be enlightened. |
Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Abraham Lincoln, vol. 5,
p.3306, 3308
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